Hegemony Now: How Big Tech and Wall Street Won the World (And How We Win it Back)

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Hegemony Now: How Big Tech and Wall Street Won the World (And How We Win it Back)

Hegemony Now: How Big Tech and Wall Street Won the World (And How We Win it Back)

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In the early 20th century, the Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci used the idea of hegemony to talk about politics within a given society. He developed the theory of cultural hegemony, an analysis of economic class (including social class) and how the ruling class uses consent as well as force to maintain its power. Hence, the philosophic and sociologic theory of cultural hegemony analysed the social norms that established the social structures to impose their Weltanschauung (world view)—justifying the social, political, and economic status quo—as natural, inevitable, and beneficial to every social class, rather than as artificial social constructs beneficial solely to the ruling class. [4] [6] [63] Zhiqun, Zhu (2006). US–China relations in the 21st century: power transition and peace. London; New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-70208-9. Jeremy Gilbert is Professor of Cultural & Political Theory at the University of East London. He is the author of Common Ground: Democracy and Collectivity in an Age of Individualism, Anticapitalism and Culture: Radical Theory and Popular Politics and Twenty-First Century Socialism. Hitchens, Christopher (2002). Why Orwell Matters. New York: Basic Books. pp. 86–87. ISBN 0-465-03049-1. Hegemony may take different forms. Benevolent hegemons provide public goods to the countries within their sphere of influence. Coercive hegemons exert their economic or military power to discipline unruly or free-riding countries in their sphere of influence. Exploitative hegemonies extract resources from other countries. [70] [71]

Random, H. (2001) ‘Webster’s Encyclopedic Unabridged Dictionary of the English Language’. Thunder Bay Press. Scholars disagree about the sources and stability of U.S. unipolarity. Realist international relations scholars argue that unipolarity is rooted in the superiority of U.S. material power since the end of the Cold War. [83] [84] Liberal international relations scholar John Ikenberry attributes U.S. hegemony in part to what he says are commitments and self-restraint that the United States established through the creation of international institutions (such as the United Nations, International Monetary Fund, World Bank, and World Trade Organization). [85] Constructivist scholar Martha Finnemore argues that legitimation and institutionalization are key components of unipolarity. [86] Sociology [ edit ] Norrlof, Carla (2010). America's Global Advantage: US Hegemony and International Cooperation. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-139-48680-4. a b Mearsheimer, John J. (2001). "Chapter 2". The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-34927-6. They remind us that even though “class interests” are the driving force of historical materialism, there was an explicit rejection of this concept as crudely deterministic after the 1980s. While they trace the origins of this rejection, their aim is to give the notion of interests explanatory power over identity.

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hegemony". Oxford English Dictionary (Onlineed.). Oxford University Press. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.) (Definitions 2a and 2b) Hegemony Nowconsiders the political means by which finance capital re-established pre-eminence within the capitalist class and across wider society in the 1980s and 1990s. Digital technology corporations such as Apple, Facebook and Google have established virtual monopolies both on the distribution of information and on key infrastructures of everyday life, communication, and entertainment. But of course, “solidarity” itself is not a simple or innocent concept. The term has been used quite differently over the years. It was a central idea for the father of modern sociology, Émile Durkheim, who used it to designate the minimal degree of social bond required by any society to function. On the other hand, the term has a particular and crucial valency in the history of workers’ and other social and political movements, implying as it does both a sense of mutual support and an experience of common opposition to an external foe. In many philosophical and political contexts, the idea of solidarity is primarily associated with a feeling of moral obligation to distant others with whom we share some sense of moral kinship; but in other traditions, solidarity is assumed to imply communal and face-to-face relationships. That said, this is an interesting analysis of both theory and strategy that makes good use of theory to build a realistic understanding of what the strategies and priorities of the modern left should be.

Hegemony". Oxford Advanced American Dictionary. Dictionary.com, LLC. 2014. Archived from the original on 3 February 2014 . Retrieved 1 February 2014. A few short years ago - before the Trump presidency, Brexit and Covid came along - we knew where we were, say Jeremy Gilbert and Alex Williams. Well, if we didn't exactly know where we were, we knew where we weren't, because the way the world spun was based on the economics of neoliberalism. It was structured and obeyed rules. There was one (admittedly broad) church and everyone in the western hemisphere worshipped there. Then it changed. Not only did it change, but unthinkable things started to happen. In the process of clarifying and updating the often misunderstood (and occasionally maligned) concept of hegemony, Gilbert and Williams also provide us with a valuable analysis of the "long 1990s": an account of its constitution, a diagnosis of its crisis and a map for its overcoming. Anyone committed to the latter must engage with this book. Rodrigo Nunes, author of Neither Vertical Nor Horizontal: A Theory of Political Organisation Nye, Joseph S. Sr. (1993). Understanding International Conflicts: An Introduction to Theory and History. New York: HarperCollins. pp.276–277. ISBN 0-06-500720-4. This would appeal to Gramsci, who was so often misrepresented in post-Marxist thought as providing a justification for abandoning the concept of class.

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In the Greek world of 5th century BC, the city-state of Sparta was the hegemon of the Peloponnesian League (6th to 4th centuries BC) and King Philip II of Macedon was the hegemon of the League of Corinth in 337 BC (a kingship he willed to his son, Alexander the Great). Likewise, the role of Athens within the short-lived Delian League (478–404 BC) was that of a "hegemon". [9] The super-regional Persian Achaemenid Empire of 550 BC–330 BC dominated these sub-regional hegemonies prior to its collapse. Ancient historians such as Herodotus ( c. 484 BC – c. 425 BC). Xenophon ( c. 431 BC – 354 BC) and Ephorus ( c. 400 BC – 330 BC) pioneered the use of the term hēgemonía in the modern sense of hegemony. [10] The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire: From the First Century AD to the Third, (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976). This observation is important to Gilbert and Williams’s portrayal of hegemony as a process by which certain sets of interests coincide to determine society’s direction of travel. Academics have argued that in the praxis of hegemony, imperial dominance is established by means of cultural imperialism, whereby the leader state (hegemon) dictates the internal politics and the societal character of the subordinate states that constitute the hegemonic sphere of influence, either by an internal, sponsored government or by an external, installed government. The imposition of the hegemon's way of life—an imperial lingua franca and bureaucracies (social, economic, educational, governing)—transforms the concrete imperialism of direct military domination into the abstract power of the status quo, indirect imperial domination. [87] J. Brutt-Griffler, a critic of this view, has described it as "deeply condescending" and "treats people... as blank slates on which global capitalism's moving finger writes its message, leaving behind another cultural automaton as it moves on." [88] He writes regularly in the British press, is the current editor of the journal New Formations, and hosts three regular podcasts: #ACFM (on Novara Media); Love is the Message; Culture, Power, Politics. Alex Williams

Guanzi: Economic Dialogues in Ancient China, ed. Adam K. W. Wen, Connecticut: New Heaven, 1954, p. 60.Kindleberger, C. P. (1978) Government and International Trade. International Finance Section, Department of Economics, Princeton University. Any society today – Britain included – needs more, not less, political solidarity. Complex global problems, from climate change and population movements down, require new alliances, radical new forms of cooperation that won’t happen unless more people feel confident in working together with those whose detailed opinions they may not share. Fractious local problems, like the Brexit aftermath, require more solidarity too. But what if the social landscape built by digital platforms is toxic for solidarity? Then we have a problem with the very preconditions of positive politics that needs fixing urgently. Proxy wars became battle grounds between forces supported either directly or indirectly by the hegemonic powers and included the Korean War, the Laotian Civil War, the Arab–Israeli conflict, the Vietnam War, the Afghan War, the Angolan Civil War, and the Central American Civil Wars. [51] hegemony, the dominance of one group over another, often supported by legitimating norms and ideas. The term hegemony is today often used as shorthand to describe the relatively dominant position of a particular set of ideas and their associated tendency to become commonsensical and intuitive, thereby inhibiting the dissemination or even the articulation of alternative ideas. The associated term hegemon is used to identify the actor, group, class, or state that exercises hegemonic power or that is responsible for the dissemination of hegemonic ideas. In the process of clarifying and updating the often misunderstood (and occasionally maligned) concept of hegemony, Gilbert and Williams also provide us with a valuable analysis of the ‘long 1990s’: an account of its constitution, a diagnosis of its crisis and a map for its overcoming. Anyone committed to the latter must engage with this book.”

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